Blame it on the
politics of nostalgia.
Yuval Levin
makes a convincing case why both of America’s major political parties have it
wrong. The Democratic Party remains fixated on the good old days of the Great Society
– the 1960s – when big government programs run by technocratic experts seemed
to be the answer to everything. The Republicans are stuck in the glory days of
the Reagan era – the 1980s – with supply-side economics and “it’s morning in
America again.”
It doesn’t help
clarify or resolve anything that the Democrats see the Reagan era as a betrayal
of the Great Society, and the Republicans see the Great Society as the betrayal
of the Constitution. Both parties are still stuck in the politics of nostalgia,
and it’s a politics that is making America and the world increasingly unsettled
and uneasy, if not dangerous.
What the two
parties seem not to understand is that America, and Americans, have been changing
since the 1960s and the 1980s. And Levin sees three key characteristics of that
change: “the weakening of our established institutions, a growing detachment from
the traditional sources of order and structure in American life, and an intensifying
bifurcation of ways of living.”
Traditional
sources of authority – political, cultural, religious, and social – have been
diffusing and in some cases atomizing. These changes were not caused by the internet
and social media – they were well underway by the time Tim Berners-Lee (not Al
Gore) invented the worldwide web in the late 1980s. What the internet did do
was to exacerbate and enhance the changes that were underway. The internet “is
particularly well suited to our individualist, deconsolidated way of life,”
Levin writes. “In some respects, the Internet embodies the kind of society we
are in the process of becoming: it is decentralized, personalized, and
individualized.”
It may seem
paradoxical but it actually makes a strange kind of sense. As we decentralize
and continue to “personalize and individualize,” more power flows to the federal
government. And the federal government is increasingly ill-suited to deal with
the domestic and global problems the country is grappling with, and not only
because of the politic standoff in Congress.
Levin writes
from a conservative perspective, but that perspective doesn’t blind him to the
failures of conservatism and the Republican Party. He offers penetrating
insights on all of our major institutions. For my generation, the Baby Boomers,
he says the equivalent of this: “There’s no going back to the 1950s. Institutions
were still respected and heeded. A belief in the progressive improvement of
life was still holding sway. The mainline Protestant denominations were a dominant
force in American society.” And none of that is true today. Consider the
numerical collapse of the mainline Protestant groups who seemed determined to
embrace full extinction.
And to my
children, the Millennials, he says the equivalent of this: “Just because it’s
old doesn’t mean it’s bad. Nothing works better for civilization than the
family, and to throw out traditional concepts of the family is to seriously risk
the eventual collapse of society. You may achieve complete individual freedom
at the expense of that freedom.”
Yuval Levin |
Levin is the
Hertog Fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center and editor of National Affairs. He also worked on
staff at the White House and Congress and is a contributing editor to National Review and the Weekly Standard. He is also the author
of Tyranny
of Reason: The Origin and Consequences of the Social Scientific Outlook (2000); Imagining
the Future: Science and American Democracy (2008); and The
Great Debate: Edmund Burke, Thomas Paine, and the Birth of Right and Left (2013).
The Fractured Republic isn’t only an explanation of what’s
wrong; it also offers possible a number of solutions, beginning with building
upon those forces that seem to be tearing our society apart. Levin doesn’t see
a fundamental problem of inequality in America, but he does see what he calls
the fundamental problem of immobility. Levin’s proposed solutions are not prescriptive
and one-size-fits-all. Instead, they rely on an individualized and experimental
approach.
I don’t think I
could find a better guide to the 2016 presidential election than The Fractured Republic. It’s a
thoughtful, important, and vital work.
What an election this would have been if Sanders would have won the Democratic nomination. It definitely would have made the premise of this book pop
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